By Kassapa 

A question that has bothered many is why, after being handed the presidency on a platter without having to sweat for it, President Ranil Wickremesinghe is acting the way he does.

One can even explain why he doesn’t go against the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) because he relies on them- and therefore the Rajapaksa clan- for support in Parliament. That would also explain why he is not prosecuting the Rajapaksas for their alleged acts of commission and omission.

However, none of that explains why Wickremesinghe is punishing democratic dissent, which was the cornerstone of the ‘Aragalaya’ that brought him to power so fortuitously. This ranges from prosecuting those who stormed the President’s House and used its swimming pool, to the detention of university student activist Wasantha Mudalige under the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA).

The latter attracted condemnation globally. It was an act that is more consonant with Mahinda Rajapaksa than Ranil Wickremesinghe, the ardent advocate of civil liberties during the decades when he was Sri Lanka’s longest serving Leader of the Opposition.

This preoccupation with suppressing dissent was evident again at the November 2 protests when, presumably under instructions, the government pulled out all stops to try and curb the multi-party protest in Colombo.

First, we saw Wickremesinghe’s political lap dog, Vajira Abeywardena, calling a press briefing and denouncing the protestors, branding them as ‘traitors’. He was followed by the other sycophant Harin Fernando, questioning the bona fides of the protest.

Why then is Wickremesinghe persevering with this strategy of punishing protestors when the causes they are agitating for- the rising cost of living, the suppression of democratic freedoms – still remain relevant as they were a few months ago when Gotabaya Rajapaksa was president and the ‘Aragalaya’ was as its peak?

It has been suggested that Wickremesinghe, who has never tasted absolute power before, because when he was prime minister he always had a president above him, is now showing his true colours. Indeed, he was schooled in the J.R. Jayewardene school of politics, where the use of force to crush dissent was the norm. It was Jayewardene who crushed the 1980 July strike ruthlessly and was proud of how he handled that.

However, what Wickremesinghe does not seem to realize is that this is not the ‘80s when the public relied on a few media outlets- most of them state owned- to obtain information. Four decades later, with the advent of social media, every person is a potential journalist and every video clip on a smart phone is a potential piece of evidence. The world has moved on in terms of civil liberties and human rights although Wickremesinghe appears to be stuck in a time warp.

There is also the suggestion that Wickremesinghe is preparing the ground for what might be ahead. With Sri Lanka about to be put in an economic straitjacket by the International Monetary Fund (IMF), more hardships and even more difficult times are in the offing for the general public, most of whom are in dire straits even now.

It is quite probable that Wickremesinghe fears this would generate another wave of protests that could lead to public anger against him in much the same way that it did against Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Clearly intent on making the most of the ‘pin’ chance or charitable opportunity he was given and on staying the course until the end of his term in November 2024, Wickremesinghe appears to believe that by nipping any protests in the bud, he is sending a powerful message to any would-be protestors of the future: they will be singled out, detained on remand and then possibly bailed out or alternatively, if their protests are strong enough, detained under the PTA.

Wickremesinghe couldn’t be more wrong. We do know who his close advisors are: the likes of Abeywardena, Ravi Karunanayake, Malik Samarawickrema, Akila Viraj Kariyawasam and Sagala Ratnayake, none of whom have their fingers on the pulse of the people. Their strategy of curbing dissent will only make Wickremesinghe more unpopular and lead to the perception of being an even more draconian leader than Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The average Sri Lankan citizen is intelligent and sufficiently politically literate to realize that the current economic crisis is not Wickremesinghe’s fault. They would, by and large, accept him as their president even if he got that job by default and allow him some time and space to chart a course correction in the economy if only he acted in a democratic and fair manner.

This would mean respecting the opposition’s views and taking due note of them when relevant and also applying the rule of law equally. The public would stoically grin and bear any hardships imposed on them if they were assured that other measures required to restore credibility to government- such as prosecuting those responsible for corruption and abuse of power- are also being implemented.

To expect the public to stomach rising prices, increased taxes and a multitude of other difficulties while those responsible for the country’s economic plight go scot-free without any consequences and in fact, continue to enjoy the perks and privileges of power is to be politically blind to the realities of today. That is not only morally wrong, it is also strategically stupid.

That though is not surprising. Being politically astute is not Ranil Wickremesinghe’s strong suit. He was out-manoeuvred by Chandrika Kumaratunga when she was president, by Mahinda Rajapaksa when he was presidential candidate and then as president too when he split the United National Party (UNP) and even by the incompetent Maithripala Sirisena when he was president.

Unwittingly, by employing strong arm tactics on protests, Ranil Wickremesinghe is sending a message that, as far as he is concerned, he will govern for the next two years in any way he sees fit, regardless whether that is democratic, ethical or even legal.

The last person who had similar thoughts was Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Then, it wouldn’t be surprising if Ranil Wickremesinghe’s fate is similar to that of Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well- or even worse.

-This article was originally featured on counterpoint.lk