Murders, cover-ups, and corruption explode into the open
As Rajapaksa deep state unravels
By Kassapa
Last week, there was an exciting headline almost every other day. First, it was the news that Aruna Vidanagamage, better known as ‘Kajja’, had been identified in the vicinity of where ruggerite Wasim Thajudeen was murdered in 2012. Next, it was the news that Mahinda Rajapaksa’s loyal and faithful security officer for decades, Neville Wanniarachchi, had been detained, being unable to explain his assets. Finally, it was the news of the Supreme Court upholding the death sentence on Geeganage Gamage Amarasiri, alias ‘Julampitiye Amare’, for murders committed in 2012.
The common thread here is only too obvious: they were all known to have close connections to Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Rajapaksa family.
Among them, only Amarasiri’s case has a sense of finality. With the country’s highest court upholding the death sentence, he will be confined to prison for life unless a future president grants him a special pardon. The verdict does have emblematic significance, though. Amarasiri is reported to have bragged prior to committing the murders at a Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) meeting by opening fire, “I am the Rajapaksa’s hunting dog (‘dada balla’)”. Present at that meeting was Nalinda Jayatissa, then a JVP activist, now Minister for Health and the Media. While Amarasiri’s rant is symbolic of the kind of power wielded by the Rajapaksas in their heyday, it does not in any way implicate them in the murders.
Wanniarachchi, Rajapaksa’s security officer, has been charged with amassing assets valued at over Rs 28 million, which is simply not possible with his earnings. He had been charged by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery and Corruption (CIABOC). Many suspect that this is the tip of the iceberg. Even so, the Rajapaksas are not under any imminent threat. Wanniarachchi’s loyalty has never been in doubt, and he will carry the can if he needs to, again with the prospect of redemption (and even compensation) if a Rajapaksa-led government assumes office at a future date.
Of most concern to the Rajapaksas though, is emerging evidence that Aruna Vidanagamage (‘Kajja’) may have been at the scene of Thajudeen’s murder. The killing of the popular ruggerite was the subject of intense investigation and even a court case where Consultant Judicial Medical Officer Ananda Samarasekara and Senior Deputy Inspector General of Police Anura Senanayake were charged with concealing evidence, until the cases were concluded as they both passed away from natural causes.
The investigation lost its intensity after the change of government in 2019. Ironically, at the present time when the National People’s Power (NPP) government is giving the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) headed by Shani Abeysekara the greenlight to probe and prosecute, the Rajapaksas are in talks with the United National Party (UNP) which spearheaded the previous inquiries into Thajudeen’s murder about the potential for a political alliance to oppose the NPP!
The significance of the evidence that has come to light can be gauged by the robust defence that has been provided on social media, especially the accounts of Vidanagamage’s son, a mere sixteen-year-old, who carried a video and a statement denying his father’s alleged involvement, openly contradicting what his mother told investigators. Vidanagamage’s sisters and mother reiterated the same theme in an interview on a social media channel.
The language used in Vidanagamage’s son’s written denial was not that of a sixteen-year-old and was in stark contrast to the rest of his posts. These are not random events. It is clear that every effort is being made to deflect attention from Vidanagamage’s alleged involvement. This is despite Vidanagamage himself being brutally gunned down earlier this year in horrendous circumstances, where his two younger children were also killed.
A few months prior to that, Vidanagamage had, in an interview on social media, claimed that he had undertaken various acts on behalf of the Rajapaksas and that his life was under threat as a result of that. Those words turned out to be tragically prophetic.
With Vidanagamage now dead, even if his presence at the scene of Thajudeen’s murder is established by investigators, he won’t be able to corroborate any link to the Rajapaksas. That the Rajapaksa camp is still fearing the worst is because many with links to Vidanagamage and his killing, such as the recently detained Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) local council candidate Sampath Manamperi, are still around. There were reports that Manamperi had admitted to supplying weapons for Vidanagamage’s murder. Manamperi has a history of turning state witness once (in the killing of parliamentarian Nadarajah Raviraj), so he could do so again.
As investigations progress, some facts are being established. First, there is convincing evidence that there was a widespread criminal network in operation. Then, while these gangs may have had their own operations and their bosses made money off them, they had political patronage. They were allowed a free rein in return for which they performed many a dirty deed for their political masters, no questions asked. Some of these deeds are now coming to light, albeit one and a half decades later. All these point to a deep, dark state, the workings of which are slowly but surely unravelling now. That is why panic buttons are being pushed, left, right and centre.
This tussle is not over yet, however. It is a long way from speculation on social media, convincing circumstantial evidence, even popular belief among a majority of people, to conviction in a court of law. Neville Wanniarachchi’s assets case will be brought before the court. Thajudeen’s murder will have to await indictment. Complex cases such as these take time, what with appeals processes etc., to reach a final conclusion. These processes need to be completed before the end of this government’s term of office to ensure that the wheels of justice are not reversed.
Whether it is fair or not, the outcome of these cases has the potential to determine the political future of the country. If the Rajapaksas are comprehensively implicated, that could spell the end of the Rajapaksa political dynasty. That should not be the objective of the judicial process, but it could still become an inevitable by-product.
-This article was originally featured on counterpoint.lk
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